It shouldn’t come as a surprise, of course. And my biased and surely predictable perspective is that the hawkish right is using the current events in Iran to criticize the Obama Administration for appeasing or legitimizing the oppressive regime there.
And there has been no shortage of critics. On Friday, Charles Krauthammer could not have been more scathing, attacking Obama for everything from his initial reticence to his cautious optimism over Khamenei’s initial reaction to his referring to Khamenei by his official title, supreme leader:
Where to begin? “Supreme Leader” [notice Krauthammer's capitalization -joe]? Note the abject solicitousness with which the American president confers this honorific on a clerical dictator who, even as his minions attack demonstrators, offers to examine some returns in some electoral districts — a farcical fix that will do nothing to alter the fraudulence of the election.
Of course Krauthammer’s outrage was rather curious, published six days after he explained to the panel on Special Report;
Look, these were sham elections from the beginning. In a real democracy, you can have a change of power as a result. That was not going to happen in Iran. The mullahs are in charge. Khamenei, the supreme leader, remains in charge. Nuclear and foreign policy will remain exactly as is.
It’s not hard to understand why Krauthammer would slip into such blatant hypocrisy; it has been clear that since his election, it has served the interests of the American political right and the American mainstream news media to focus on President Ahmadinijad as the face of the Iranian leadership, rather than Ayatollah Kahmenei. Ahmadinijad’s aggressive rhetoric, holocaust denials and other hostile and dramatic displays are a gift to the hawkish right’s case for a more aggressive stance against Iran and Islamist states in general and sells newspapers, TV ratings and web hits in the process.
So it did seem odd a couple of weeks ago when I noticed that so acknowledging Khamenei’s position had suddenly became convenient for the political right during the buildup to the Iranian election. But there was Krauthammer, John Bolton and plenty of others, pointing out the Ayatollah as the top authority in Tehran, in their transparently hypocritical attempt to head off and counter any praise they feared Obama’s foreign policy outreach might receive for possibly influencing the Iranian vote.
While the usefulness of that particular tract dissipated the moment the uprising became something greater than a reaction to a fraudulent election, the disingenuous use of Iran as a propaganda assault on the president from the political right has not ceased. By the Sunday morning after the election, the talking points had formed and hardened. Mitt Romney on This Week:
Well, first of all, the comments by the president last week that there was a robust debate going on in Iran was obviously entirely wrong-headed. What has occurred is that the election is a fraud, the results are inaccurate, and you’re seeing a brutal repression of the people as they protest.
The president ought to come out and state exactly those words, indicate that this has been a terribly managed decision by the autocratic regime in Iran.
It’s very clear that the president’s policies of going around the world and apologizing for America aren’t working.
Statement Issued by Republican Whip Eric Cantor on June 15th
“The Administration’s silence in the face of Iran’s brutal suppression of democratic rights represents a step backwards for homegrown democracy in the Mideast. President Obama must take a strong public position in the face of violence and human rights abuses.
“We have a moral responsibility to lead in opposition to Iran’s extreme response to peaceful protests. We stand with the people of Iran in their struggle to participate in a democratic election and who deserve the right to freely assemble and voice their opposition to its questionable outcome.”
“In addition, Iran’s clerical regime has made clear that its nuclear program will move forward. The United States cannot trust the aspirations of a nation that is a state-sponsor of terrorism, and the Administration must work with Congress to do everything in its power to deny Iran nuclear weapons.”
John McCain on the June 16th Today Show:
“He should speak out that this is a corrupt, flawed sham of an election and that the Iranian people have been deprived of their rights,” McCain said. “We support them in their struggle against a repressive, oppressive regime and they should not be subjected to four more years of Ahmadinejad and the radical Muslim clerics.”
It is true that the president chose to remain silent in the days following thje Iranian election. His first statement on the topic after the election was during Q&A in a press event with Italian Prime Minister Berlusconi on Monday, June 15th:
Obviously all of us have been watching the news from Iran. And I want to start off by being very clear that it is up to Iranians to make decisions about who Iran’s leaders will be; that we respect Iranian sovereignty and want to avoid the United States being the issue inside of Iran, which sometimes the United States can be a handy political football — or discussions with the United States.
Having said all that, I am deeply troubled by the violence that I’ve been seeing on television. I think that the democratic process — free speech, the ability of people to peacefully dissent — all those are universal values and need to be respected. And whenever I see violence perpetrated on people who are peacefully dissenting, and whenever the American people see that, I think they’re, rightfully, troubled.
My understanding is, is that the Iranian government says that they are going to look into irregularities that have taken place. We weren’t on the ground, we did not have observers there, we did not have international observers on hand, so I can’t state definitively one way or another what happened with respect to the election. But what I can say is that there appears to be a sense on the part of people who were so hopeful and so engaged and so committed to democracy who now feel betrayed. And I think it’s important that, moving forward, whatever investigations take place are done in a way that is not resulting in bloodshed and is not resulting in people being stifled in expressing their views.
Now, with respect to the United States and our interactions with Iran, I’ve always believed that as odious as I consider some of President Ahmadinejad’s statements, as deep as the differences that exist between the United States and Iran on a range of core issues, that the use of tough, hard-headed diplomacy — diplomacy with no illusions about Iran and the nature of the differences between our two countries — is critical when it comes to pursuing a core set of our national security interests, specifically, making sure that we are not seeing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East triggered by Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon; making sure that Iran is not exporting terrorist activity. Those are core interests not just to the United States but I think to a peaceful world in general.
We will continue to pursue a tough, direct dialogue between our two countries, and we’ll see where it takes us. But even as we do so, I think it would be wrong for me to be silent about what we’ve seen on the television over the last few days. And what I would say to those people who put so much hope and energy and optimism into the political process, I would say to them that the world is watching and inspired by their participation, regardless of what the ultimate outcome of the election was. And they should know that the world is watching.
And particularly to the youth of Iran, I want them to know that we in the United States do not want to make any decisions for the Iranians, but we do believe that the Iranian people and their voices should be heard and respected.
While the gesture was by no means an appeasement, it hardly satisfied the political right’s dominant bend toward neoconservative foreign politics. Fortunately, the appeal of Obama’s ‘anti-meddling’ policy was not lost on some members of the GOP’s old guard, who are not under pressure to strike just the right obstructionist chord against the party in power, and therefore free to apply logic unencumbered by concern for how their soundbites will play in the next election cycle.
The typically earnest and elegant response from Peggy Noonan in her column last week:
America so often gets Iran wrong. We didn’t know when the shah was going to fall, didn’t foresee the massive wave that would topple him, didn’t know the 1979 revolution would move violently against American citizens, didn’t know how to handle the hostage-taking. Last week we didn’t know a mass rebellion was coming, and this week we don’t know who will emerge the full or partial victor. So modesty and humility seem appropriate stances from which to observe and comment.
(If you don’t understand who the American people are for, put down this newspaper or get up from your computer, walk into the street and grab the first non-insane-looking person you meet. Say, “Did you see the demonstrations in Iran? It’s the ayatollahs versus the reformers. Who do you want to win?” You won’t just get “the reformers,” you’ll get the perplexed-puppy look, a tilt of the head and a wondering stare: You have to ask?)
To insist the American president, in the first days of the rebellion, insert the American government into the drama was shortsighted and mischievous. The ayatollahs were only too eager to demonize the demonstrators as mindless lackeys of the Great Satan Cowboy Uncle Sam, or whatever they call us this week. John McCain and others went quite crazy insisting President Obama declare whose side America was on, as if the world doesn’t know whose side America is on. “In the cause of freedom, America cannot be neutral,” said Rep. Mike Pence. Who says it’s neutral?
This was Aggressive Political Solipsism at work: Always exploit events to show you love freedom more than the other guy, always make someone else’s delicate drama your excuse for a thumping curtain speech.
Mr. Obama was restrained, balanced and helpful in the crucial first days, keeping the government out of it but having his State Department ask a primary conduit of information, Twitter, to delay planned maintenance and keep reports from the streets coming.
How some modern Republicans are able to look themselves in the mirror after being so thoroughly pummelled by no less than the muse of their own Saint Ronald will baffle me for as long as Peggy continues to work. I may not always agree with her, but she represents the GOP that I long to see return to American politics.
Anyway, conservative stalwart Pat Buchanan, a throwback to a time when the American political right adhered to conservative foreign policy ideals, predictably put his principles before his party and stood with Peggy:
My view is that it was very, very irresponsible for John McCain to say some of the things he said so early. It was very hot-headed in my judgment. It was impulsive. Can you imagine if the crowds in the streets suddenly were told, ‘Look, the Americans are with us. They’re behind us 100 percent. Let’s try to overthrow the regime,’ and then they were cut down by these Revolutionary Guard and their thugs? I think we would bear moral responsibility for having done that, and it would be a disaster. … I think they’ve done the right thing.
And on Sunday’s This Week, George Will was similarly critical of the response from the political right:
The president is being roundly criticized for insufficient rhetorical support for what’s going on over there. It seems to me foolish criticism. The people on the streets know full well what the American attitude toward that regime is, and they don’t need that reinforced.
But neoconservative obstructionism does not yield so easily. This past Sunday morning, the chorus from the usual crowd was just as predictable as the week before:
“The president of the United States is supposed to lead the free world, not follow it,” Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said Sunday. “He’s been timid and passive more than I would like.”
Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., and others noted that Western leaders, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, have demanded a recount or more forcefully condemned the government crackdown.
“I’d like to see the president be stronger than he has been, although I appreciate the comments that he made yesterday,” McCain said. “I think we ought to have America lead.”
Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, said a slow or muted U.S. response risks undermining the aspirations of Iranian voters to change or question their government.
“If America stands for democracy and all of these demonstrations are going on in Tehran and other cities over there, and people don’t think that we really care, then obviously they’re going to question, ‘Do we really believe in our principles?’” Grassley said.
In his interview last night with Jon Stewart, Iranian-American author and CBS News Middle East Analyst, Reza Aslan was bold in his response to the president’s critics:
Update
Sorry about the blockquote problems. It appears wordpress has some automated system that indents only the first paragraph of quoted text. I think I’ve fixed everything, and also corrected a few grammar errors as well.